TM NOTE: The guest post below is by Senator Joe Biden, the
campaign’s third post. (It was first posted on Huffington Post.) Dodd wrote on
habeas corpus. The Clinton campaign has committed and will post sometime in the future. The Edwards
and Obama camps have accepted, but so far neither campaigns have delivered.
I’m very pleased to have this particular post by Biden. I asked if Senator Biden could specifically
address the federalism issue in Iraq. Whether you agree with it or not, the truth is that few people understand it. This post makes Biden’s plan, which passed
overwhelmingly in the Senate, clear.
CANDIDATE SERIES: Joe Biden
Setting the Record Straight on Federalism in Iraq
Expert guest post by Joseph Biden, Democratic candidate for president
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| Joe Biden speaking with troops in Iraq on the need for mine resistant vehicles. |
Last week, the Senate overwhelmingly approved the Biden-Brownback amendment
to the Defense Authorization bill, which says it should be U.S. policy to support
a political settlement in Iraq based upon the principles of federalism. The
75-23 bi-partisan vote, including 26 Republicans, marked the first time this
year that the Senate has passed an Iraq-related policy measure.
Since then, some political leaders in Iraq have misunderstood the amendment.
Instead of working to clear up any misunderstandings about the Senate amendment,
the U.S. embassy in Baghdad issued a statement that dangerously mischaracterizes
it.
Let’s set the record straight:
First, the Biden-Brownback amendment does not call for the partition of Iraq.
To the contrary, it calls for keeping Iraq together by bringing to life the
federal system enshrined in its Constitution. Partition, or the complete break-up
of Iraq, is something wholly different than federalism. A federal Iraq is a
united Iraq, but one in which power is devolved to regional governments with
a limited central government responsible for protecting Iraq’s borders and oil
distribution. It leaves the door open for stronger unity if and when passions
cool, as we’re seeing in the Balkans. Nor does the amendment call for dividing
Iraq along sectarian lines. Rather, it calls for helping Iraqis implement their
own Constitution, which provides for any of Iraq’s 18 provinces to form regions
and sets out the extensive powers of those regions and the limited powers of
the central government. The result could be three regions, or four or five or
more. It will be up to the Iraqi people.
Second, the amendment is not a foreign imposition. Iraqis already have made
the decision to decentralize in their Constitution and federalism law. My amendment
is about what the United States should do to help promote a political settlement
consistent with these Iraqi decisions. Again, it will be up to the Iraqis. But
the idea that the United States — with 160,000 troops in Iraq, 3,804 dead and
nearly 28,000 wounded — does not have a right and responsibility to voice its
views and to push for a political settlement is absurd.
Third, the amendment will not produce “bloodshed and suffering” in
Iraq. It is hard to imagine more bloodshed and suffering than we’ve already
seen, which has been exacerbated by the failure of Iraq’s leaders to stop sectarian
violence and produce a durable, widely accepted political settlement. More than
4 million Iraqis have already fled their homes for fear of sectarian violence,
at a rate now of 100,000 every month. The whole purpose of my amendment is to
end that bloodshed and suffering by promoting a power sharing arrangement that
meets the interests of all Iraqis and gives them more local control over their
daily lives.
The Bush administration is pursuing a fatally flawed policy in trying to create
a strong central government in Iraq. There has been no significant reconciliation
at the national level and there is no evidence that it will happen any time
soon. Insisting on this failed approach will prolong and deepen Iraq’s civil
war, lead to a wider regional war, and irresponsibly increase the danger to
over 160,000 American troops who are caught in the middle.
A few weeks ago I met top officials in Iraq — Sunni, Shi’a and Kurdish. All
of them expressed to me their support for federalism as called for in the Iraqi
Constitution and its federalism law.
I believe my plan offers the best chance for the U.S. to leave Iraq without
leaving chaos behind. You can read more about my plan at www.PlanForIraq.com.
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